The Roles Of Women In Terrorism

The Roles Of Women In Terrorism The involvement of women in terrorist organisations is by no means new, but their role therein has changed markedly over recent years. Up until the late twentieth century, women in terrorist organisations were largely assigned tasks removed from the front lines of political violence they existed only to support their male counterparts, through gathering intelligence, providing healthcare, and even maintaining safe houses for more-active terrorists. Since then, and though women continue to perform those functions, the role of female terrorists has evolved into something more active, perhaps tougher, more fanatical, more loyal, than previously seen.  [1]  Indeed, while formerly confined to more auxiliary roles, female members of violent extremist groups now engage directly in attacks, including suicide bombings, attracting widespread disbelief and heightened media interest. After looking at terrorisms definitional problems, this paper will examine three different categories of involvement by women in terrorism: women as terrorists actually joining extremist organisations and carrying out attacks; women as enablers their role in motivating, inspiring, or encouraging potential terrorists; and women as preventers analysis of their involvement in counterterrorism. In so doing, it will focus on women and terrorism, as opposed to the overlapping concept of women and war. Both concepts of women engaging in terrorism and of womens roles in wars are broad and nuanced, and a single paper cannot do both justice. For this reason, the former alone will be examined here. Both terrorism and gender in conflict have been studied and written about extensively. The recognition of rape as a weapon of war has led to a timely re-evaluation of gender in warfare,  [2]  and much has been written on the subject of terrorism, particularly since September 2001, when terrorism entered into mainstream media and non-academic literature, even in those countries not directly affected by it. Yet, terrorism through the prism of gender has only recently gained ground in academic and media discourse, partly due to the rise of the female suicide bomber.  [3]  This study will consult literature mainly on political violence, but also on the role of women in society, drawing out observations on the impact of women on terrorism, as well as on how womens unique position in society can be harnessed for counterterrorism purposes. In addition, the paper will briefly comment on what the implications are for gender equality. Indeed, does the advent of female terrorists mirror the advance of women in society? This paper will provide a broad overview of the womens roles in terrorism, with more-detailed comments on their potential for de-radicalising active and potential terrorists. Women as Participants in Terrorism Although terrorism is one of the most widely used words in both international relations and the news media, the word lacks a clear, universal definition. Those who try to characterise it often harbour underlying biases (rendering their definitions questionable), or, in the case of some governments and the media, they may seek to label as many events as possible with a provocative term to demonise a particular group or to create headlines. Terrorism has a pejorative implication and those associated with it are therefore degraded politically and socially.  [4]  Most would agree, however, that fear is intrinsic to any successful terrorism. As political scientist Martha Crenshaw explains, [t]errorism is a method by which an agent tends to produce terror in order to impose his[/her] domination.  [5]  Many other definitions of terrorism exist, including Walter Laqueurs assertion that the meaning of terrorism has been changing throughout history,  [6]  and Brian Michael Jenkins description of the phenomenon as the use or threatened use of force to bring about political change.  [7]  For the purposes of this work, Jenkins definition shall suffice, but with the qualifier that, in the case of millennialist or some fundamentalist groups, political change need not be the final end.  [8]   Examples of women committing terrorist acts abound. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have been cited as amongst the first terrorist groups to employ women as attackers, with over one-third of their membership composed of females, who, in addition to suicide bomb missions, have duties on the battlefield, in the kitchen, and in medical camps.  [9]  LTTEs Black Tigresses, are not alone. The Chechen Black Widows, a brigade of female suicide bombers, carried out a dozen suicide bombings over two years, murdering 330 people.  [10]  Similarly, Wafa Idris, the first female suicide bomber, was a twenty-eight-year-old working for the Palestinian Red Crescent when she was deployed on a suicide mission to Jerusalem in 2002. Her bomb killed one person (in addition to herself), and injured 114.  [11]  While the death toll was low, Idris bombing, carried out for the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, served as an excellent recruitment tool, particularly among women. Indeed, the group s ubsequently established squads of willing female suicide bombers squads actually named for Idris.  [12]  Similarly, during the intifadas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Hamas both witnessed a surge in female bombers Syrian nationalists and Kurdish separatists operate in this way, and women in Uzbekistan, Turkey, Lebanon, and Egypt have also joined the terror ranks.  [13]   Woman: the perfect terrorist? Women make excellent terrorists. Traditionally societys inherently nurturing and non-violent caregivers, females tend to attract less attention from security services and are less prone to be searched, questioned, and interrogated in the way that males are particularly in Muslim societies, which carry particular cultural sensitivities regarding the role of women.  [14]  Testament to this, earlier this month a suicide bomber in Somalia disguised himself as a woman, complete with a veil and a females shoes, before detonating explosives in a crowded Mogadishu hotel.  [15]  And even when women are under suspicion, the capacity may not exist to interrogate them: after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, airport security services struggled to recruit enough female staff to carry out searches of women. One of the overriding attractions of using females for violent ends is, therefore, the slim chance of their attracting suspicion; additionally, even if that suspicion is ther e, the capacity may not exist to stop them. In part because violence against women (and children) is deemed by society to be more abhorrent (due to their supposed greater vulnerability), terrorism carried out by women is also more shocking, as will be discussed later in the paper. Ironically, it is the very weakness that makes women the most appealing/effective victims (in that they elicit wider coverage for the group behind the attack) that appears to make women terrorisms best instigators. Following the 2002 Moscow theatre hostage crisis, which involved female as well as male hostage-takers, one commentator posited that, for a woman to commit terrorism, she must be more fanatical than a male terrorist, and is therefore more terrifying than her male colleagues: For feminine engagement in activities that are so classically male bespeaks a far greater zeal. This is hard to verify, but that his analysis of women and terrorism goes on to note that female Islamists must be especially zealous, given that the reward of virgins awaiting the suicide bomber in heaven holds no appeal for them certainly seems plausible.  [16]  It could then be said that the greater fear elicited by the female extremist adds to her effectiveness as a terrorist. Terrorist groups manipulate and capitalise on the stereotypes of women to suit their violent goals. Suicide bombings in themselves, while still abhorrent, are increasingly commonplace almost weekly, news consumers see coverage of bombings in graphic detail. Terrorists have thus sought out ways to renew the impact of their violence (to which many, particularly in areas not directly impacted by attacks, have become partially desensitised), and the use of women as bombers is symptomatic of this. With most terrorism hinging on the publicity it attracts, groups play into the shock value of using women as human bombs; this elicits the double-shock of both the brutality of the act itself and the notion of someones daughter/mother/sister/wife as the instigator. Summing up the importance of the oxygen publicity affords terrorist organisations,  [17]  Front de Libà ©ration Nationale (FLN) leader Ramdane Abane asks rhetorically, Is it preferable for our cause to kill ten enemies in an oue d [dry riverbed] of Telergma when no one will talk of it, or a single man in Algiers which will be noted the next day by the American press?  [18]   Not only do female terrorists elicit more coverage, boosting both the fear a given attack elicits and the number of potential recruits reached, the type of coverage received is also different from that given to their male colleagues. Coverage of acts committed by women provide[s] more detail about possible motivations of the individual, while actions committed by men [are] explained more often in terms of the groups motivation.  [19]  (My emphasis.) Indeed, female terrorists also increase the likelihood that the social conditions, discrimination, and hardships experienced by a given group will be featured in the news media,  [20]  representing a significant incentive for particular organisations to use women over men. While suicide terrorism exemplifies vividly the impact female terrorists can have, other roles for women in political violence should not be overlooked. In terms of their roles away from the front lines of terrorism, women in extremist organisations were in the past often confined to less-active duties, such as healthcare provision, intelligence gathering, and even maintenance of safe houses for more-active terrorists. Some still do play these roles, and recent studies of terrorism and the internet have unearthed evidence of women now also playing the role of scholar, translating for their male counterparts and interpreting religious texts. In addition, females can boost depleted numbers of combatants, be it by joining the ranks themselves or by providing jihad wombs.  [21]  They also contribute by using their maiden names to open bank accounts (to avoid attracting the attention of antiterrorism agencies), and even raising money for terror groups through charity functions.  [22 ]   Does all this make a woman the perfect terrorist? While women hold many comparative advantages over men eliciting less suspicion, holding greater shock value, and even remaining engaged in terrorism longer than do men on average  [23]   some factors make women less attractive. In the face of stereotypes of women as non-violent wives, sisters, mothers, and daughters, it surprises many to learn that female terrorists are viewed by some as more deadly, in that some security forces deem them less likely to hesitate when carrying out a violent mission. One scholar further posits that women terrorists are possessors of a greater capacity for suffering.  [24]  Reasons for this resoluteness can only be speculated about, but the small variations between genders in why individuals engage in terrorism could be relevant: as will be discussed, vengeance is a particularly strong motivator among female extremists and may serve also to sustain a womans interest, and involvement, in a given cause. Counterterrorism recruits in INTERPOL accordingly even follow a shoot-the-women-first policy.  [25]   Other factors can discourage the use of women by terrorists groups: some members may view women as a threat to group cohesion (many groups lean heavily on male bonding to sustain the dynamic needed to commit violence for a given cause), and certain societies frown upon the use of women in combat roles. However, the overwhelming importance of publicity to terrorism seems to outweigh such concerns regarding female terrorists: women extremists occupy more column inches than do their male counterparts. And, with all terrorism, coverage confers the impression of power something all terrorist groups seek to wield. What motivates women terrorists A recent study of what motivates suicide terrorists found that there was little variation between genders in this regard both men and women tend to engage in terrorism for similar reasons. However, a few important differences in motivation were noted, including, among women, vengeance. Having lost a loved one at the hands of a particular groups perceived enemy, a mother, wife, or sister may be more inclined to join that group, and actively engage in terrorism.  [26]  Wafa Idris felt personally aggrieved by the horrors she witnessed at the Palestinian Red Crescent, by her brothers imprisonment, and at being displaced from Ramallah by Israel. But analysts also cite personal sadnesses she endured, unrelated to her cause, as motivation for her actions: After marriage, Idris had a late miscarriage. The doctors said she could have no more children. Her husbands response was to divorce her and marry again.  [27]  Seldom does one see this type of analysis where male bombers are conc erned; that attacks instigated by females are analysed in greater depth, speaks to the fascination they seem to hold over the media and potential extremists alike. Terrorist recruiters targeting women play into their need to feel involved, which is similar to male-terrorist recruitment, but the reasons for that lack of involvement in society differ. For example, in Central Asia, the Kyrgyz, largely non-violent, terrorist group Hizb-ut-Tabhir (HT), is pursuing the restoration of an Islamic caliphate in the region through allegedly peaceful political means. A recent International Crisis Group report on HT examines why, in a country where women enjoy a secular society and relative equality, they are moved to support HT a movement which appears to marginalise them. The report finds that since Kyrgyzstan, post-independence, lacks a coherent national identity, an Islamic one fills that void. Islams traditional representatives often do not make any appeal to women, whereas HT does, offering both social services and religious education to women. The HT brand of Islam emphasises Islamic sisterhood, and, in conservative areas, where women and girls have few social outlets, gender-segregated HT meetings allow women to mix with other women and reap the benefits of such interactions.  [28]   The type of marginalisation that, in various Western societies, fuelled womens liberation movements, is replaced in other, less-free societies (where rights are fiercely withheld), by the appeal of extremism. Rather than agitation for gender equality, which is notoriously elusive in some societies, a minority of women turn to other causes, which give them a sense of belonging and the opportunity to be involved in the types of groups previously unavailable to them. From these examples particularly that of HT in Kyrgyzstan it is clear that marginalisation by society at large makes individuals more vulnerable to the appeal of extremism. In the case of women specifically, it could be extrapolated that the very marginalisation they experience as a result of gender inequality, is played on by terrorists to bring them into sphere of extremism, increasingly as active participants. As will be discussed, terrorism can seem like a more alluring pursuit to women in those societies where their rights, gender and otherwise, are curtailed perhaps even suicide can seem appealing. But we must note that gender serves as little incentive in itself to commit violence, and neither sex seems moved to carry out terrorist attacks based on gender alone. What should be taken away from these observations is that outlets need be given to empower women in those societies where extremism is most likely to fill the empowerment vacuum. In essence, marginalisation based on gender is something of a force multiplier where fertile ground for extremism already exists. Women as Enablers of Terrorism In number, women are not equal to men, constituting more than half of the world population, and in their traditional roles as mothers, wives, sisters, and girlfriends females may impact every facet of terrorist activity. It is in this that they have been cited as motivation for other terrorists to engage in violence, as well as as reason to disengage, which will be elaborated later on. Women terrorists also appear to reach a wider audience where terrorist recruitment is concerned; the cults of personality female terrorists attract can serve to inspire would-be extremists and build support for a given cause. In their non-violent roles, also, women in specific communities actively recruit terrorists: In Syria, similar to the tactics of HT in Kyrgyzstan, sisterhood organisations proselytise extreme religious doctrine; while, in Pakistan, the mujahidaat are women who engage in collective non-violent endeavors geared towards recruiting and supporting violent extremist groups. In 2008, 1,000 women in Lebanon marched to show their support for Hezbollah; and, in Gaza, women gathered to form a human barrier between Israeli forces and militants hiding in a mosque in 2006.  [29]  These examples of women enabling terrorism and facilitating warfare can be ascribed to the types of discontent that motivate all terrorists, but, for women in societies where their rights are oppressed on the grounds of gender, something further can be inferred: gender equality in other aspects of life would remove a layer of discontent that contributes to terrorism. The cult of personality that the female terrorist seems to attract is also important in the recruitment and inspiration of other terrorists. Indeed, women seem more likely to receive such attention than men, thus further prolonging media interest something on which terrorist groups thrive. Leila Khaled, a Palestinian hijacker with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), drew much public attention for the very fact of her gender.  [30]  Aged just twenty-one years, Khaleds involvement in the 1969 hijacking of a passenger flight received wide coverage, in a way very appealing to terrorist recruiters: Her sexuality was always emphasisedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ She is the pin-up of armed struggle; like her hero, Che Guevara, Khaled had the glamour as well as the belief.  [31]  Her role morphed into one of a cultural icon, foreshadowing that of Wafa Idris, who also seemed to fascinate commentators: The Arab press glorified Idris. One Egyptian newspaper compared her to the Mona Lisa, registering her dreamy eyes and the mysterious smile on her lips. Others cited Joan of Arc, or the Virgin Mary.  [32]  Khaled and Idris attracted an entirely different type of media coverage than do their male counterparts. Very rarely if ever do male suicide bombers make headlines based on their physical attractiveness. But the media coverage paid dividends for their respective organisations. Following her death, Idris attracted copycats: more women suicide bombers materialised in the West Bank: One [female suicide bomber], a 21-year-old English-literature student named Darin Aisheh, detonated explosives in her car at a military checkpoint in February, wounding three policemen. Andaleeb Takafka, 20, killed herself and six others, and injured 104 people in April, using explosive tied to her waist. Ayat Akhras, 18, blew herself up outside a Jerusalem bus stop a month earlier.  [33]   In terms of traditional (or non-suicide) terrorism, female role models have also had a place in history. Ulrike Meinhof of the Red Army Faction, active in Germany in the 1970s, famously directed her groups campaign, which, unlike most other terrorist organisations, actually cited womens liberation as a strand of its goals. For many years the most famous female terrorist, Meinhof has been credited with inspiring German terrorism,  [34]  and has been the subject of numerous books and a handful of films. Indeed, in 1981 ten of the fourteen most-wanted terrorists in West Germany were female.  [35]  Bernadette Devlin, a vocal supporter of the Irish Republicanism, became the youngest female Member of the British Parliament (in a high-profile effort to champion Irish independence) and drew much attention, both for the fact of her age and her gender. Like Meinhof, she inspired much interest, even gaining the nickname Fidel Castro in a miniskirt. A biopic about her is in production.  [36]   As well as female suicide bombers spurring imitators, and other female terrorists becoming figureheads for their causes, the actions of women not actually active in terrorism, but rather in encouraging terrorists, can have devastating consequences. Among extremists, suicide bombers are lauded as heroes, in a way deeply disturbing to the moderate majority. As such, some families, mothers in particular, aspire to have their sons sacrificed as martyrs: Families of martyrs are honoured as family members of someone who gave his life to the cause. Many speak of their sons, husbands, or brothers commitment, dedication, and the pride felt by society.  [37]  Indeed, the glamorisation of martyrdom appears to be perpetuated by the families, spouses, and partners, which speaks to both womens role in radicalising moderates and their potential for de-radicalising the extreme. Just as military traditions can span generations within families, with son after father, after grandfather, enlisting i n the armed forces, traditions of extremism can also perpetuate. While men are naturally equally, and perhaps more, guilty of this sort of encouragement (in terms of offspring turning to terrorism) that women are being singled out in counterterrorism for their potential to de-radicalise their husbands, brothers, and sons speaks to the importance of their role in radicalisation. As does the example of Bernadette Devlin, whose experience can perhaps be cited as evidence of the role of families (mothers specifically) in actually enabling their children in the pursuit of extremism: her daughter, Rà ³isà ­n McAliskey, was arrested in Germany in connection with an IRA bombing of a British Army barracks there.  [38]  This speaks to the role of mothers in influencing offspring towards terrorism, and exemplifies what it is that newer counterterrorism programmes seek to prevent. (The roles of women in de-radicalisation and prevention will be examined in the next section of the paper.) Returning to the example of suicide martyrs, male bombers and their families often cite the promise of seventy-two virgin brides awaiting them in heaven upon completing their missions as part of their motivation.  [39]  An attack carried out by al-Qassam in 1994 demonstrates the encouragement families provide to some terrorists: The bombers family and the sponsoring organization celebrate his martyrdom with festivities, as if it were a weddingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. Often, the mother will ululate in joy over the honor that Allah has bestowed upon her family.  [40]   Indeed, in different ways, potential terrorists are encouraged by extremist groups and by those in their social network to engage in terrorism, but the differences between the two genders in these respects merit examination. With women holding so much potential in terms of counterterrorism, the exact nature of their role in enabling terrorism should also be better understood. Women as Preventers of Terrorism While women are cited as motivation to enter into violent extremism, much evidence exists of their roles in facilitating disengagement from terrorism and in otherwise thwarting terrorist activity.  [41]  In removing their children from cultures of extremism or preventing their falling prey to extremism in the first place, by becoming intelligence officers, and even as spouses involved in the rehabilitation of extremists, women make very effective counterterrorists. Counterterrorism programmes worldwide are beginning to focus more on softer measures than the military- and police-centred approaches increasingly seen in the aftermath of 11 September 2001, favouring instead de-radicalisation through education and dialogue, as well as increases in aid and poverty-alleviation policies. In these newer de-radicalisation programmes, terrorists and other violent extremists are rehabilitated in various ways, often including education in the true peaceful meanings of religious texts, and ar e usually given a more solid grounding in social networks removed from their previous extremist affiliations. In this section, examples of extant terrorism-prevention and terrorist-rehabilitation programmes with women at their centres are examined. Given that the group dynamic afforded by terrorist organisations for individual members often replaces that persons family, strengthened family and relationship ties can help facilitate a persons disengagement from a particular cause, i.e., to provide them with a non-violent, appealing alternative to terrorism. Indeed, Bjà ¸rgo and others highlight the importance of avoiding a social vacuum, when a terrorist repents, and women can play a fundamental role in this.  [42]  In his study of what moves right-wing extremists to de-radicalise, he asserts that gaining and upholding family commitments, including getting a girlfriend (or boyfriend), are among the strongest motives for leaving a cause behind.  [43]  As such, programmes exist to facilitate not just finding employment, but entering into marriage, all as part of the rehabilitation of violent extremists.  [44]   A Moroccan initiative that focuses on women, recruiting them as messengers to present the moderate mainstream Islam as a counterweight to fundamentalist ideology, has met with some success. Spearheaded by the Moroccan King, the initiative seeks to feminize the face of Islam, in order to provide an enlightened alternative to the extremist, often misrepresented brand of Islam terrorist groups employ.  [45]   In Saudi Arabia, a counterterrorism scheme called the Saudi Counselling Programme, has been the most successful and expansive of its kind, and Christopher Boucek posits that this is due in part to its being rooted in respect for cultural and religious traditions.  [46]  It could be extrapolated from this that women, as central figures in every culture, could hold the key to developing societal answers to a given societys terrorism problem, or at least to grounding each initiative in the appropriate culture. A spate of new programmes centred on mothers preventing the radicalisation of their children supports thi

Sacred Spaced Ap Art History

Throughout history, monuments have been built to show power, wealth, and even conquest. Depending on a cultures value and tradition, the types of monuments can vary from era to era. However, the construction of sacred monuments has predated from the times of the start of civilization in Mesopotamia to even modern day. People have always created buildings to show their faith, and to honor their gods. In Ashokan India and ancient Greece, the creation of sacred spaces was very common. The creation of the Great Stupa in India and the Parthenon in Greece both were built for the honor and worship for the respective god and goddess for both nationIn India during the rule of the Buddhist ruler Ashoka, the Great Stupa of Sanchi was commissioned. The Great Stupa was considered to be one of the greatest monasteries patriotisms to Buddhism. Even though it can be dated back to Ashoka’s reign, its consists of many buildings and parts that was made overtime and well beyond the time period of Ashoka. The dome of the stupa is roughly fifty feet high and is filled with earth and rubble. The stupa would hold relics of the Buddha himself where the people of india would come to as a pilgrimage.The people of India would enter through the gateways of the stupa, walk down a path called the lower circumambulation, and climb up the stairs to the secon level to walk the second circumambulation of the stupa. Buddhist ventured the relics of Buddha through circumambulations, which was walking around the stupa in a clockwise manner, following the path of the sun and brining the worshiper into harmony with the universe. The Great Stupa itself had more than six hundred inscriptions showing the donations of hundreds of individuals that made the building of the stupa possible.Ancient Greece was also known for extravagant temples honoring their Gods. The Acropolis found in Athens is another example of elevation in attempt to get closer to the divinity. The Parthenon was built for Athena, t he city’s patron goddess and also the goddess of War. The Greeks built this large temple to thank Athena for the Salvation of Athens after their victory in the Persian War. Inside, there once stood a thirty-eight foot high statue of Athena with a winged Nike in her hand. On her sandal, there was a depiction of the centauromachy. On her shield were scenes of both the amazonomachy and he gigantomachy. All of these were battles the Gods fought in during the Persian War. The columns of the temple surrounded the statue in a symmetrical way that emphasized Athena’s importance as the centerpiece. On the outside of the temple were about ninety different metopes depicting gods and goddesses and a 590 foot frieze on the inside. Greeks were proud of the Parthenon, not only because it was considered a piece of art, but because it was also significant of their victory over Persia. They worshipped to Athena all over the Acropolis and also sacrificed animals such as oxen, goats and s heep.Sometimes worship was held in the form of social festivities honoring Athena. Sacred sites were greatly influenced by the cultures of each era, and had a impact on the lives of the people. The Great Stupa, which was open to all of India, attracted many buddhists and was a center for prayer. In ancient Greece, the Parthenon was used to worship athens main deity, Athena, and served as a place of worship to other gods as well. It was placed on a higher surface to show its importance, and the Great Stupa engraved inscriptions of the people who donated to the construction of the temple to show appreciation.

Family and the Sociological Theories Essay

Since time immemorial, men have been petrified by sociology. The most basic definition of sociology is the study of human social behavior and grouping (Alexander, 1982). Sociology largely focuses on social relationships and the ramifications of these relationships on peoples’ behavior. There have been numerous attempts to understand and explain seemingly challenging situations in a society. These attempts constitute the various sociological theories which are geared towards giving explanations to the various phenomena in the society (Alexander, 1982). It is within the scope of this study to highlight on the impact of the sociological theories on the family institution. Introduction Sociological theories are sets of statements that endeavor to offer explanations to problems, phenomena, or human behavior (Alexander, 1982). Normally these theories are both explanatory and are versed with the ability to predict predictive on some occurrences in society. Essentially such a theory can assist in seeing the synergy among seemingly remote social phenomena (Turner, 2006). The family is the basic social institution and everyone belongs to one. The behaviors of the various family members in one family may be petrifying. There are various explanations of the various behaviors and phenomena in the family offered by the three sociological theories (Turner, 2006). The impacts of these behaviors as explained by the sociological theories are quite interesting and will be studied in this study. The sociological theories in mind are the functionalism, conflict, and interactionism theories. The events of the various members in the family can be sufficiently summarized by the explanations offered by these theories. It is from these events that the characteristics and roles of the various family members are based. This study will highlight the particular impact of each of theses theories on the family institution. Methodology Various relevant literary materials featuring research done on the subject of sociology and sociological theories are studied keenly in bid to reveal on the explanation of sociology and social behavior through the sociological theories. The data gathered and analyzed in the study is carefully studied to shed some light on the interesting history in the impact of the various theories on the occurrences witnessed in the family institution. The studies did not leave behind information which highlighted on the impact of these theories on the behaviors of individual family members and how they interact. The results are collected from these secondary sources, analyzed and presented using the trendiest of modern scientific methods. The interplay between the various sociological theories as they impact the family institution will be highlighted in the discussion part of this study. The conclusion part of the study will involve a recap of the issue of sociology and the sociological theories and the synergy between them. Literature Review Alexander (1982) portrays sociology as a very intricate area to comprehend as it has always being perceived by man. Sociology is perceived in the three major sociological theories. These theories postulate that the occurrences in the society can be summarized by the functionalism, conflict, and interactionism theories. Taking the case of the family institution, for instance, behaviors of the various family members and the phenomena in the family can be fully explained by the various sociological theories. According to the functionalism theory, the family is an anthology of interdependent parts which have a penchant toward a common goal. In the same institution there are functional necessities that must be met for it to survive (Alexander, 1982). The occurrence of some peculiar phenomena is for the purpose of serving a required function in the family (Turner, 1988). In this theory, society is likened to a living organism because both are made up of interdependent parts and systems which function in harmony for the overall functioning of the larger body. Most literary materials concur that each member of the family is pivotal in the ultimate of the successful family union. There are a number of criticisms of functionalism theory presented by some materials. There are several materials which view this theory as indistinct and lacking in sufficient methods. Despite the fact that there are a number of there a couple of materials offering criticism, this theory stands steadfast in explaining the phenomena (Turner, 1988). The conflict social theory contends that individuals and groups in a given society have various amounts of resources and that the more affluent social classes and individuals use their power to take advantage of groups with less power (Turner, 2006). This exploitation is largely through economics or by force. It is this disparity in the society which catalyses social disorder. In the family scenario, the theory is portrayed in the ensuing conflicts within the family members and its serves to offer explanation that this conflict is as a consequence of social conflicts in the family institution. There are a couple of materials which portray the family institution as revolving around the conflict perspective of sociology. In fact the essence of formation of the family is more often than not a function of the couples’ rebellion from the larger parent family (Turner, 2006). Interactionism is a sociological perspective in which human beings are surrounded by meaningful objects and symbols. These meaningful symbols include material things, events, fellow people, associations, and even plain symbols. These symbols are revered as superb and important in human communication. They carry with them common social meaning that is naturally understood and adored by all members of a society (Alexander, 1982). The case of the family presents such a situation where the members of the families are driven by the symbols known and respected by all in that family. The fact that the family as a social institution is made in the interactionism perspective makes the unit stronger and unwavering. For instance the children look up at the prowess of the parents and this fortifies the bond between them. Research Findings In summary the study revealed the following: first it was found that the various human behavior and phenomena are fully explained through the three major sociological theories (Alexander, 1982). In the family institution, functionalism theory is quite rife. It is the same theory which provides the essence of the various family members to continue being in the institution. Every member of the family is supposed to play some very vital role in the attainment of the common good of the family (Turner, 1988). The family life and phenomena is explained further by the social conflict theory. According to this theory the occurrences and events witnessed in the family are primarily caused by the struggles against conflicts in that family. This clearly defines the reserved feelings of each of the members of the family towards each other. Then there is the al important interactionism theory which defines largely the in built feelings of each family member. It is regarded that the family members have grounds of commonality which they look up to. Each one of the family members is deemed to be conversant with these unwritten laws governing the family. They al work and behave in manners likely to suggest that they are aiming at the same goals (Turner, 2006). Research Discussion This study has done tremendous work to highlight on the intriguing issue of unraveling the cause for sociology. In the family institution, the theory of functionalism makes the family come up together in the first place (Alexander, 1982). At some age one feels that they need to have the responsibilities expected of him in the family by marrying. Those who attempt to alter the norm of the duo in the institution by adopting the single parent euphoria at the end of the day find it quite difficult. This follows the coming up of children since the society expects that. The parents look at the children as very important now and in their future old age. The children depend on the parents largely for basic and other needs. This realization makes the two groups stay in harmony since they need each other (Alexander, 1982). According to the social conflict theory, the family comes up in the first place owing to the need of the couple to move away from shared resources (Turner, 1988). They start their own home and live happily. This perspective explains the trend in divorce and such other attempts of reversing the union. They are a consequence of the conflicts in the family. The conflicts between the children and parents define sour relations where the children in this case are said to be unruly and rebellious (Alexander, 1982). The society sees such groups as erroneous without knowing the epicenter of the situation. Interactionism explains a great deal the respect parents command from their children. These children perceive their parents as symbols of success and therefore form a liking for them. Â  This perspective also explains the parents’ initiatives of introducing the children to healthy social ethics and institutions like the church and school. It is from these places where the children will learn to be responsible by heeding those generally accepted symbols (Turner, 2006). Conclusions From the discussion in the study, the behaviors of members of the society are best explained by the sociological theories (Alexander, 1982). Therefore, it is in order to conclude the family institution is largely dependent on the perspectives of sociological theory. These theories clearly and sufficiently explain the occurrences and the behavior of the various members of the family. The failure of each member to participate in the expected duty is quite consequential in determining the satisfaction level derived from the institution (Turner, 1988). References Alexander J. (1982). Theoretical logic in sociology. Abingdon Oxford: Taylor & Francis. Turner J. (1988). A theory of social interaction. Palo Alto, California: Stanford University Press. Turner J. (2006). Handbook of Sociological Theory. New York: Springer.

Religion on the Internet Essay - 3014 Words

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